Fubara, Wike, And the Battle Of Good Versus Evil

The battle between good and evil has been a recurring motif in humanity’s attempt to make sense of the world in its endless vicissitudes of virtue versus vice, happiness versus pain, fortune versus misfortune, etc. The logic of this vision of reality is that evil is a destructive power; hence, good must prevail over it in the interest of humanity and the universe. This worldview is most strongly expressed in the religious sphere, as evident in ancient religions like Zoroastrianism and Judaism and more recent ones like Christianity and Islam. However, its presence transcends religion, extending to the sociological, philosophical, and political realms—in fact, to all aspects of our cosmological imaginings.

Thus, it is no surprise that the lingering political crisis in Rivers State involving the Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike, and Governor Siminalayi Fubara is being viewed in the mould of the ever-present battle of good and evil. As expected, many Nigerians have sided with the “good,” represented by Fubara, against the “bad,” represented by Wike, hoping and praying that the former triumphs over the latter. Hence, many were bound to be disappointed when President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State two weeks ago, as they must have seen it as a case of evil prevailing, even if temporarily.

However, a more critical and holistic view reveals to a discerning mind that what we often perceive as a battle between good and evil in Nigerian politics is, in reality, evil at war with itself. We have long exiled good from our politics, such that it is no longer present—let alone engaging in a fight with evil. Specifically, the fight in Rivers is not one that will end evil if Fubara, the supposed warrior of good, wins. Rather, it will merely hobble a man, Wike, probably ending his influence on a regime he solely instituted and whatever selfish ends that motivated his actions. It will not undo the evil of the anti-democratic culture where one man lords it over the party machinery to determine who gets the party’s ticket. Again, what if Fubara had not won the general election — that he secured his position courtesy of a Wike-guided electoral fraud? Would his victory over Wike redress that atrocious subversion of our democracy?

This reminds me of the infamous battle between Governor Chris Ngige and his estranged godfather, Chris Uba, between 2003 and 2006. Shortly after an electoral miracle that shockingly produced a winner in the scarcely known Ngige against the overwhelmingly popular Peter Obi and his formidable APGA machinery, the new governor and his electoral benefactor began a bitter fight in which neither party was ready to concede defeat. Like what we have seen in Rivers, the battle witnessed the destruction of public property by arsonists in what became known as the November 2004 mayhem. Before then, there was an attempt to forcefully remove the governor on July 10, 2003, when he was abducted from office after being made to sign a resignation letter — or after an undated resignation letter he signed before being enabled into office was brought out and dated.

The plot failed. Meanwhile, Ngige was performing commendably well in road construction and clearing of arrears of wages and pensions accumulated by his predecessor, Dr. C. C. Mbadinuju, thus endearing himself to the people, who now saw him as the champion of good in an epic fight against the forces of evil championed by Uba. However, not many people appeared to appreciate the fact that an Ngige triumph over Uba would not have amounted to a victory of good over evil. The real evil that ought to have been defeated was the one that subverted the will of the people in the gubernatorial election held on April 19, 2003, enabling a godfather and his godson to take over power against all dictates of law and morality.

That evil was indeed defeated on March 15, 2006 — not by Ngige or Uba but by the legitimate institution of the fight against legal evil — the court, which gave a verdict returning Obi’s mandate. This underlines the reason our institutions must function effectively if evil is to be defeated. For instance, if our judicial and electoral institutions had been living up to their responsibilities, a character like Wike wouldn’t have been a major actor on our political stage, and there wouldn’t have been a Fubara to engage in a personal fight. Even if Fubara were to be governor, he would have secured his position purely based on popularity — first, within his party, and second, among the electorate — and not through the benevolence of any godfather who would then have the temerity to hold him by the jugular. It is that simple.

More importantly, let us imagine a situation where our justice institutions, comprising, among others, the police and the courts, are up and doing. A person like Wike, alleged to have repeatedly rigged elections and amassed considerable wealth without any known legitimate means, ought to have been cooling off in jail (if these allegations were proven) long before he had the time to begin his fight against Fubara.

The truth is that the fight we are sending the likes of Fubara and Ngige to fight for us is the fight our institutions ought to have been doing and winning. The fact that they have not been doing so is the exact reason we are where we are today. Unfortunately, the kind of battle raging in Rivers State — the godfather-versus-godson fight — did not start there and will not end there. It is a spectacle that will continue to manifest from one state to another until the evil genius that instigates it is finally defeated. Neither Fubara and Ngige in Rivers and Anambra, respectively, nor Ladoja and Shinkafi in Oyo and Zamfara can defeat this evil genius— only the institutions can. This evil genius is a spirit encompassing an inordinate quest for power, greed, and lawlessness. It is never limited by time or geography, as it is always capable of possessing a Lamidi Adedibu in Oyo and a Chris Uba in Anambra 22 years ago and repeating the same feat in faraway Rivers in 2025 in a man called Wike.

No single individual can therefore prevail over this monstrous and pervasive demon. Only the institutions can, having been vested with our collective power from the moment we signed that great social contract that transitioned us from the anarchy of the state of nature to the order of modern statehood (apologies to Thomas Hobbes).

But unfortunately, this rampaging evil has equally captured the institutions, converting them into its own weapons. For instance, in the case of Anambra, the police literally became a servant in the temple of one of the gladiators in that episode of evil fighting against itself. In Rivers, the courts have been seen as doing the same. And in both episodes, one very important institution in the fight against evil — the presidency — has been accused of taking sides. This clearly spells out our quagmire.

What emerges from all this is that taking sides against Wike is never enough to deal with the problem we face, which is, of course, bigger than what is currently happening in Rivers. The sheer enormity of the problem and its limitless capacity to replicate itself in time and space demand that we direct more energy toward scrutinizing the institutions that ought to fight evil. Our invectives against Wike or applause for Fubara will achieve next to nothing in disabling this monster that has been scuttling our efforts at democratization and national growth.

Evil will never cease to express and replicate itself until it is finally defeated. Even if we all join forces with Fubara and succeed in destroying Wike, the task of destroying that evil force that predates Wike and Rivers (and will outlive them) remains.

Henry Chigozie Duru, PhD, teaches journalism and mass communication at Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Nigeria.